A Broken Political Vow
UniTeam’s Falling Out of Love
by John Rey Amestoso
At first glance, the plot resembles those cliché teen flicks that young ones would swoon over. A delinquent, spoiled political scion from the North seeking to recoup the glory of his mafia-like family meets the domineering and feisty, cop-punching daughter from the South bent on protecting her father at all costs. They would have been foes by all circumstances but, in Cupid’s silly act, were forced to make amends through a marriage of convenience, keeping both of their interests. As the relationship is anchored only on mere interest, the two must navigate their differences and hurdle through challenges to make it work.
Indeed, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte’s encounter would make a beautiful love story. But be that as it may, this is still Philippine politics. It is no cheesy teen flick or hopeless romance. The genre, at best, is a drama with back-to-back deceits and betrayals that could quickly turn into gore when blood starts to spill — flesh against flesh, allies turned enemies — in the name of power. A year into their presumed indestructible political marriage, smoke and cracks have already appeared. As the old adage goes, “Where there is smoke, there is fire.” And so speculations spurred here and there, prodding allies and adversaries alike to ask: Is this just a mere marital quarrel, or will it lead to the untimely but quite expected divorce of the UniTeam?
The Wedding Vow
The 2022 Philippine national elections saw the grandest political marriage in recent history. The vow of the groom and bride? Unity, unity, and unity. However, the road to the wedding of the Northern and Southern political powerhouses was not easy. Former President Rodrigo Duterte initially wanted her daughter to take over the reins, but GMA, cosplaying Cupid, nursed the birth of the UniTeam, reaching out to old political confidants to be padrinos of the couple. Whatever happened during meetings would remain behind the veil, but there is no question that GMA’s arrows must have been so lethal that the iron-heart Duterte patriarch melted and conformed to the marriage.
But beyond the political romance, the Marcos-Duterte tandem was very much strategic. In the June 2021 Pulse Asia survey, Marcos Jr.’s preference rating sparsely sat at 13%, which did not even reach half of Sara’s 28%. Had they run opposite each other, the bells of victory would have rung for another candidate, leaving both of their families vulnerable. The wedlock was, therefore, advantageous for both sides. It allowed them to consolidate voting bases from the North to the South, allowing the dictator’s family’s procession to the Malacañang Palace as if they had not defiled its halls.
The honeymoon phase of the Marcos-Duterte marriage was only momentary, however. Everyone knew it was over the moment a hint of a divergence of interests emerged — and that it did. The year 2023 was fraught with challenges as the romantic facade of the UniTeam began to crumble and the actual dramatic genre unfolded. The first casualty was the tandem’s Cupid, stripped of her designation as senior deputy speaker. While Arroyo seemed to accept the situation, her demotion infuriated Sara, prompting the latter to announce her irrevocable resignation from the Lakas-CMD, the party that Marcos Jr.’s cousin, House Speaker Ferdinand Martin Romualdez, leads.
Duterte’s Declaration of War
Sara maintained that her leadership “cannot be poisoned by political toxicity” or “undermined by execrable political power play.” Such pronouncement was not surprising at all, given that the Pampanga Representative was a known Duterte ally and political mentor of the Vice President. Experts say that Sara’s resignation was a declaration of war. And it may be right so. The succeeding spectacle would suggest that the speakership ordeal was only the outset of a series of attacks hurled to and fro between the Marcos and Duterte camps.
After the Arroyo plot twist, the second notable conflict in the marriage arose from the Office of the Vice President’s (OVP) request for confidential funds (CF), which was instantaneously met with public uproar. It could be recalled that CF appropriation became news headlines when the Commission on Audit (COA) reported that the OVP spent P125 million in CF funds in just 11 days in 2022. After congressional scrutiny and public pressure, Sara bowed down, and Congress struck down her office’s P650-million confidential fund request.
With the Vice President’s embarrassment, the elder Duterte then came to her daughter’s rescue. Through his program Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa in Sonshine Media Network International (SMNI), he accused Speaker Romualdez of engaging in illegal activities and called the House the “most corrupt institution.” The House vehemently refuted Duterte’s public ire, emphasizing that the COA constantly checks the institution. This event demonstrates that Rodrigo Duterte’s influence may not be as armored as during his term.
The House of Marcos Fights Back
In a move that was largely seen as the House’s retribution for the Duterte patriarch’s attack, the lower chamber launched a probe against SMNI for spreading fake news over Speaker Romualdez’s alleged P1.8-billion travel fund. The House cited two SMNI hosts, one of whom was notorious red-tagger Lorraine Badoy, in contempt for refusing or failing to answer the inquiries. Lawmakers then urged the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) to suspend SMNI’s franchise. In its latest Order, the NTC decided to suspend the media outlet indefinitely. This decision meant the Duterte camp lost its largest mouthpiece and propaganda machine.
And if it is not still apparent that knives are already out and that Marcos’ camp is ready to draw blood, the administration toyed with the pending investigation of Duterte’s war on drugs in the International Criminal Court (ICC). In an interview with Kyodo News, Justice Secretary Jesus Crispin Remulla implied that the government may allow the ICC to conduct the investigation if proper legal procedures are followed. Remulla said, “We’re not here to stop them because if they’re not doing anything illegal, there’s nothing wrong with that.”
Although Marcos Jr clarified that his administration would not assist in the ICC’s probe, the mixed signals from his Cabinet raised eyebrows on the President’s stance. This was further compounded by the fact that former Senator Leila de Lima, Duterte Sr’s political archnemesis, especially on the anti-narcotics campaign, was granted bail during Marcos Jr’s term.
The Breakup?
This political showdown between arguably two of the most powerful political families in the Philippines today shows that rumors about their growing rift are not unfounded. Will this political marriage surpass the challenge, or will a divorce be expected soon? The answer to this question may become apparent in the next few months when political battlelines are drawn at the dawn of the 2025 midterm elections.
Sara already expressed her intent to run in the next election, which she later claimed as having been misconstrued by some people. This is straight out of the typical Duterte election playbook. It may be true or could be just a distraction intended to throw off the other side. What is evident, however, is that the Dutertes must reconsolidate their base now that more political butterflies have transferred their niche from the Duterte-led PDP-Laban to Lakas and Partido Federal — the political parties respectively headed by cousins Romualdez and Marcos Jr.
Ultimately, marriage requires compromise and agreement. But when the partnership is only founded on the shallow grounds of personal interests, Marcos-Duterte’s vow of unity is bound to break. The Filipino People, particularly their supporters who held onto their promise, became collateral damage — their hearts have been broken and scattered at the heels of the elites.
